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Political Influences (Introduction) March for Independence on 30th September Independence Convention to Launch on St Andrews Day Taking the lid of Scottish ambition - by Brian Nugent More Support for Independence First (from Celtic League, Kev Williamson & David Ross) New Office Bearers for Independence First Time for Scotland to leave this potential UK police state Scotland's Republican Voice by Graham Connelly Scotland has to be taken from the left by Donald Anderson New SNP Leadership Offers Fresh Start How can Scots parties move forward to Independence? Democracy destroyed in the heart of Europe - by Jo Harvie Why Fiscal Autonomy is not possible without Independence Losing the Heid by George Rosie Labour Government using Terrorism as excuse for ID cards The time to stop the cards is now - by Kevin Williamson Campbell Martin MSP Suspended from SNP Labour's Divide and Rule school closure tactics Time for SNP MSP's to Choose Direction Scottish Republican Articles (Collected) Ludicrous Entryist Allegations switch off voters News Story about Me! - SNP leftist faces party expulsion for News article Republican Socialist SNP is the way forward Adopting SSP MSP Salary Policy could Revolutionise SNP financial position! Deluded Reid Proves Labour don't listen to Scots Time to Change US policy on the Middle East News of the World Yellow Ribbon Toilet Tissue Campaign Not In our Name (by award winning journalist John Pilger) Murdoch Reveals Real Reason for War - Cheap Oil Support Freedom for the Basque Country! London Must Let Go of the Remote (by Kevin Pringle) The Truth about Public Spending ID Cards Scheme - Attack on Civil Liberties SNP Health & Education Policy Poverty Amidst Plenty - By Andrew Lumsden & Alex Neil Independence - Its a Capital Idea My Uncle Joe as a boy of 15 (on the left) and as I knew him, later in life. Political Influences by Joe Middleton I joined the SNP in 1987 after seeing a party political broadcast. I had, for some time before that, supported both independence and the party. My driving force politically has always been a deep sense of injustice that Scotland has never been treated fairly and while I have Socialist beliefs that have increased the more I have learned, my belief in independence has grown also. I became a socialist because my great uncle was one. He was also called Joe, Joe Burns, and he had come to believe in socialism after serving, and being wounded 5 times, in world war I as a young man. The suffering he witnessed first hand and the inexplicable reasons for the conflict led him to embark on a process of educating himself, through reading, and as he became more convinced of the worth of Socialism, he joined the Labour party and worked for them for many years.
At that time, the Labour party was built around the trade unions and represented the working class. Inspired by the Bolshevik revolution, Labour proposed a near revolutionary program of social change. They were widely respected for their principles and their willingness to stand up for their own class and this was reflected in the ballot box. The Labour party still enjoys enormous support today but, I would contend, does not deserve it. My Grandfather, Matt Clayton, was a miner at the Lady Victoria pit in Newtongrange. My father was a postman and my family are practicing Roman Catholics. I'm a natural Labour party supporter, statistically, yet I've never voted for them. For me independence
is a way to change the unjustness in our society but even if it didn't change it
substantially for the better I would still want it. My overall driving ambition
is for our country to be free. I am a Scottish nationalist and I believe the history
of our nations struggles for its freedom are directly relevant to our situation
today. (The story of the 1820
uprising is also an interesting and instructive history lesson.) One of the most interesting things on television was the program "the wilderness years" about Labours ongoing process of changing from left to right. While Tony Blair is employing a manic grin and squeakily talking of the great things done by Neil Kinnock, John Prescott smiles wanly like a man who's just had all his teeth pulled out but is trying to put a brave face on things. Brian Gould and others admitted that their party was wrong to ditch every principle they ever had and that Neil Kinnock was utterly incompetent and a stooge of Peter Mandelson. Tony Benn, who is the only honest and consistent politician Labour have ever produced, hit the nail on the head with his appraisal that Labour are just like the democratic party in the USA and their election to power will make as little difference to Britain as a change of government does in the states. Since joining the SNP I have met a few individuals who have influenced me strongly. Jim Sillars the party's former deputy leader is a politician of enormous charisma and extraordinary public speaking skills. There are few people who can get a standing ovation at a public meeting in Woodburn community centre but Jim Sillars is one of them. Mr Sillars, Alex Neil and Kenny MacAskill all came through and spoke at public meetings in our campaign from 1990 - 1992 to try and get our candidate for Midlothian elected, Andrew Lumsden. Both Kenny and Alex are now MSP's in the Scottish parliament.
Andrew is a brilliant politician who it was an enormous pleasure to work with. Shortly after his election as PPC myself and a number of other younger activists took over from the previous office bearers who had resigned en masse. Andrew believed he had a decent chance to win Midlothian (it required a 25% swing or one in four Labour voters to start supporting the SNP). He was proud to call himself a socialist, which fitted in perfectly with my own political philosophy. Andrew produced his own press releases with photos while myself, Dave Moyes and others like Brian Archibald, tried to fill out the more general picture and create an image of a well run local organisation. We attempted this by a thorough dissemination of SNP policy through the local press via press releases and Letters to the Editor. As I was Convener of the CA for the duration of the campaign I was in a position to be able to publish a lot of stories in my own name. Click on the thumbnail (above) to see the larger picture and click back on your browser to come back to this page. We were acutely aware that ordinary voters didn't know what the SNP stood for on education, employment and the health service so we tried to put forth as much tangible political information on core issues as possible. We were lucky in that the Advertiser were willing to publish our efforts. I was lucky to have Dave Moyes to dig up local stories which I could then polish up for publication (most of the press releases we did during that time are on this site excepting Andrews which I don't have in computer file format - I may get them scanned later). Most of all we were lucky to have as enterprising a candidate as Andrew who attended numerous public meetings, made a huge attempt to support the re-open Monktonhall campaign (taking the campaign to firstly our party conference then later Westminster and the European parliament) and who dug up the first news of the local councils plans to close Greenhall High School which was to prove of crucial importance in the council elections which followed subsequently.
We were also of course lucky for many years to have Alex Salmond as party leader. Alex's debating skills made our party's presence seem much larger than it actually was. This was tremendously important in terms of political credibility. Without the brilliance of Alex Salmond the party would not be in the position it is in today. He was helped enormously having Sillars as deputy while the policy of Independence in Europe (largely attributed to Sillars who formulated it in his old Scottish Labour party) made the party seem much more credible and effectively knocked on the head the 'separatist' taunt which Labour had successfully used against us for many years. Alex Neil's free by 93 policy was run down in retrospect by some, however it was a tremendously exciting idea which helped the party to believe that we could get close to our goal of national independence. It was exactly the right message at the right time for the party. Nobody in politics ever got anywhere without believing in what they were saying. Alex Neil, Jim Sillars and Alex Salmond's leadership put us in the position of believing ourselves that independence was just around the corner. That belief was what inspired our jump in support in the 92 election. Our campaign in Midlothian didn't win but we did put across the party's message effectively reflecting the national strategy a direct attack on Labour outflanking them from the left. A substantial swing in our favour was the result of a hard fought three year campaign. Yes it was exhausting, Sillars was probably right that the Scottish people collectively lost their bottle at the last gasp but it was still the most exciting time I can remember being in the SNP and perhaps our most effective time of campaigning. Currently we have a hugely different situation largely due to the establishment of the Scottish Parliament and (with PR) a massive increase in representation. Salmond's leadership had lasted a long time and he eventually stepped aside for John Swinney. In the last two elections our vote has declined and John Swinney was recently challenged for the leadership of the SNP by Dr Bill Wilson, a Glasgow activist.
* We only had a handful of MPs at Westminster because of the FPTP (first past the post) system, unfortunately this system is still in place for both Westminster and council elections. by Joe Middleton, of Independence First Independence First, the non-party political referendum campaign recently wrote to both the UK government and the Scottish Parliament asking for a democratic referendum for the people of Scotland on independence. The replies were swift. The Scottish Parliament replied: “Schedule 5 to the Act {Scotland Act 1998] defines matters which are reserved to the United Kingdom Parliament. The Government of the United Kingdom is therefore responsible for considering any fundamental changes to the existing devolution framework in Scotland.” The Scottish Office in London replied: “It is worth noting that in the UK political system the UK parliament is sovereign and it is for Parliament to decide whether or not to hold a referendum on any particular issue - and what the terms of any referendum should be.” Of course these answers are pretty much what we expected. The Scottish Parliament just wants to pass the buck down south, while the Westminster government does not even recognise that there is a problem. These answers are obviously not acceptable. The question is, what are we going to do about it? In Independence First’s case we plan to do quite a lot, and we hope Voice readers will help us. While Independence First has probably not impinged on the public consciousness yet, we have been quietly and carefully doing something very important - uniting the entire independence movement behind our campaign. We hope that will be obvious on 30 September when we hold our first march for independence through the centre of Edinburgh, ending outside our temporary parliament. To attempt to show the enormous latent support for independence we have also launched an e-petition through the Scottish Parliament, calling for a debate on how to ensure a referendum on self determination. The petition is available at the Scottish Parliament web site here: http://epetitions.scottish.parliament.uk/view_petition.asp?PetitionID=123 In the expectation that none of these efforts will actually have any effect on the unionist-led executive we will also attempt to influence the actual outcome of the next election. In the next few weeks leading artists, writers and musicians will endorse a ‘1 million pledges for independence’ campaign. This campaign will call for 1 million Scots to give their support to parties which support independence in both the first and second votes. We believe this is enough to swing the election in favour of independence and is also an amount which is well within the reach of the pro-independence parties. http://www.independence1st.com (This article was printed in the Scottish Socialist Voice)
Taking the lid off Scottish ambition (From Freescot.com) Independence Convention to launch on St. Andrew's Day
The Interim Forum has agreed these Governing Principles for participation in Convention:
There are three immediate questions the Convention needs to address:
Importantly, three
political parties; the SNP, the SSP and the Scottish Green Party, have confirmed
their support for the Independence Convention. These parties and other
individuals and organisations have been working together with others in the
Interim Forum for an Independence Convention for the last two years to achieve
agreement on the aims and objectives of the Convention. Official
spokesman: John Drummond Tel: 07710 326758 http://www.freescot.com/news_page.php?story=57 MORE SUPPORT FOR INDEPENDENCE FIRST The Celtic League, a leading activist in the Scottish Socialist Party and a Scots historian have all backed Independence First, the campaign for a referendum on Scottish Independence.
The Celtic League, an organisation which promotes co-operation amongst Celtic Nations, passed the following official motion of support for Independence First at their 2005 annual General Meeting which was held in Skye on the 12-14th of August.
RE: INDEPENDENCE FIRST
1.1 The Celtic
League supports the aims and objectives of Independence First, the Scottish
campaign for a referendum on national independence, and notes that the
organisation is both non-party and trans-party. 1.3 Reaffirms its support for Scottish independence and opposes British moves to hinder its coming about.
Writer and publisher Kevin Williamson, who writes a regular column for the Scottish Socialist Voice, is joining the campaign. Mr Williamson commented: “Scottish Independence should be the first priority of everyone in Scotland who believes in bringing democracy closer to the people. Westminster has always been a remote, autocratic, medieval, and essentially anti-democratic Parliament that has never reflected in any shape or form the views or hopes of the majority of people living in Scotland. The break up of the British state into four democratic republics living at peace with each other, and the rest of the world, is long overdue.” “I'd like to offer my full support to Independence First and encourage others to join as a member and take part in the most important political cause of our lifetime. Wherever a person's political or party loyalties lie, only full Scottish Independence can provide the democratic tools to make those political ideas a reality.” “Here's hoping that with Independence First's support, Scotland will elect no less that 65 Independence-minded MSPs to the Scottish Parliament on the 1st May 2007 - i.e. a majority - and set in motion the road to democracy, peace and freedom.” The Scottish
historian David Ross who recently completed an extraordinary 700 mile march in
remembrance of William Wallace also gave the following message of support to
Independence First shortly after the campaign was launched:
The endorsements are the latest in a long line for Independence First which has also received supportive messages from SNP & SSP MSP’s and official support from the Scottish Green Party.
Time for Scotland to leave this potential UK police
state
This article was Web Published in
the Free Scot Review
Scotland's Republican Voice
Scotland has to be taken from the left.
New SNP Leadership Offers Fresh Start On the face of it, left wing members of the SNP should be pleased with the election of Alex Salmond and Nicola Sturgeon to the leadership of the party. Salmond has declared himself to be a socialist in the past and Nicola Sturgeon has a history of left activism, at least in her early days within the YSN. At that point of course the party was deliberately playing up its left wing credentials to contrast itself with Labour who were rapidly moving towards their holy grail of New Toryism. The ’79 group, which was eventually to effectively take over the party, sprang from analysis of the ’79 referendum results. The party realised at that point that it was the working classes who were the most enthusiastic for devolution and realised that a left wing shift could potentially undermine (and hopefully replace) Labour amongst the public’s affections. The SSP have also noticed a similar trend on the national question which explains their more recent support for the most radical constitutional option. The socialists in the SNP have always been a wing rather than a full bird. The SNP is a broad church and at no point has it ever been willing to fully embrace socialism. However in the nineties under the leadership of former ’79 rebels like Salmond and Kenny MacAskill, almost by standing still, the party was suddenly quite far to the left of Labour. Kevin Pringle’s research unit was producing useful statistics and the nitty-gritty policies were taking a definite turn towards the radical left. We had a clear commitment to unilateralism, a fully costed plan for full employment and genuine plans for substantial public investment. The whole party strongly favoured the re-nationalisation of the Steel industry and with Jim Sillars as Deputy Leader we embraced a form of internationalism with ‘Independence in Europe’. At that time, at least in the younger section of the party, socialist views were pretty much taken as a given. Of course many of these old faces are still around occupying different levels of influence. Rob Munn would later get the onerous task of becoming our only councillor in Edinburgh, and now works in the new parliament. (While Munn is probably less vociferous in his views now than he once was, at one point he was so politically correct that he has worried Braveheart would alienate ‘New Scots’ because there were no Blacks or Asians in it.) When Stuart Hosie (Shona Robison’s now spouse) was standing for Vice-Convener (Youth Affairs) was asked what he meant by saying he was a socialist he retorted “I believe in the nationalisation of means, production and control” and he got elected to that post. Fiona Hyslop is now an MSP and is still on the left of the modern party. She was a former close associate of Salmond as well and it is probably only the slight age gap between her and Nicola Sturgeon which prevents Hyslop being the current ‘bright young thing’ to Salmond’s elderly uncle. She is possibly no longer amenable enough however for Mr Salmond, who prefers his assistants to come with strings firmly attached. This of course was the basis of the main opposition to Nicola Sturgeon. It was obvious that Salmond had gazed up from London and perceived a potential defeat for his protégé from the irascible Roseanna Cunninghame and decided to step quickly into the breach and take direct control. Nicola’s decision to take this option by stepping aside at the last minute from her own ambitions and swiftly ditching her lead balloon running mate Kenny MacAskill showed that she had the limited ruthlessness necessary in a potential stand-in leader. Nicola has always been highly ambitious and she is a clever and astute politician in her own right. In this case she took the smart option which has paid off for her big style. She has now been whipped into the leadership of the Scottish Parliament with a decent majority, albeit by holding onto Salmond’s coat tails and with the benefit of a regular press release in the ‘SNP News’ email list. The problem for the party is not now the leadership, Salmond is a highly efficient and populist leader, while Sturgeon will I’m sure prove a ruthless stalker of McConnell in the Scottish Parliament. Sturgeon has proved her ability to hold a brief and push it, harrying various unfortunate ministers and is an obviously easier ideological fit with Salmond than either of the other contenders. Whether the leadership in the Parliament should just be a brief is a moot point and one which was not effectively answered during the campaign. Personally I would have liked to have seen Christine Grahame as deputy as a more independent balance to Salmond’s views but eventually the result was highly predictable under OMOV. The new leadership of the party has to be careful to not repeat the mistakes of the previous leadership. In his final year John Swinney attempted the final steps of his Blairite transformation of the party. He had already tried the bland colour analysis and smooth packaging of the Labour electoral machine. Still smarting from a challenge by a party activist he then went further and reduced the internal democracy of the constitution. With OMOV he has forever guaranteed populism will outweigh idealism. Shortly after this triumph of his will he decided to tackle his lone ‘Militant’ who had been embarrassingly forthright in telling the truth about the party’s dire performance. Campbell Martin was duly suspended, then expelled shortly after. While John Swinney can’t be blamed entirely for the gradualist experiment and the referendum policy (that was Salmond’s idea) he can be blamed for extending the process to a foolish three year waiting period; guaranteeing an unnecessary propaganda coup for his new socialist rivals for the independence vote. Compounding this mistake was Jim Mather’s suicidal New Tartan Toryism. Mather changed the SNP’s sensible and not particularly controversial business carrot on Tax (levelling the playing field with English companies) to an ideological obsession which would transform the economy based on the Laffer curve. His next trick, no doubt inspired by some lunatic American self help manual, was that he got so carried away with the idea of fiscal autonomy (minus independence) that after been winked at a few times by the affable David McLetchie, he eventually started talking of pacts with his new found best friends and even said that a left of centre independent Scotland was “a delusion.” Of course he found some friends to support this odd view point (though most activists were horrified). Duncan Hamilton, new found Scotsman hack began to muddy the cause even further with various articles waxing lyrical about England’s green and pleasant cricket fields, warm beer and Rangers FC, leaving people in serious doubt as to what a Scottish nationalist actually was any more. New ideologically free-pure Kenny MacAskill decided that his old socialist views were holding his political career back and started slicing SNP sacred cows like a maniac butcher, “Let’s stay in NATO!”, “forget Bannockburn!”, “Park Independence!” and “Let’s have a fiscal autonomy convention!” thereby offending every wing of the party and inventing a new style of political campaigning, whereby you stick two fingers up to all your own activists and watch them leave in droves. What perhaps sums up the Swinney leadership most is the mess that was made of the RMT debate. The RMT had decided to eventually up sticks from Labour, something the SNP trade union group had exhorted them to do for years. In these circumstances ten years ago the SNP might have played up their anti-privatisation credentials and made a commitment to Re-Nationalisation of the Railways, they would certainly have pushed hard to bring the unions onside. It wouldn’t be impossible, after all Plaid Cymru have begun to gain union funding in Wales. Under the transport leadership of Kenny MacAskill however, you don’t even get a cast-iron SNP commitment to re-opening the Waverly Line! John Swinney did his best, opening negotiations with the RMT leaders, but MacAskill was dismissive - portraying the potential SSP-RMT link as “Scargallist” on TV thereby uniting them together more effectively than if he had called on them to get married. Meanwhile Duncan Hamilton said in the Scotsman that we shouldn’t touch trade union money with a proverbial barge pole, conveniently forgetting that the party was to put it bluntly, completely and totally skint. There are some things which can be done now however to bring the SNP back from its current electoral decline. Our problems are not insurmountable. Labour is still weak and the Salmond/Sturgeon leadership offers a potential break from our inconsistent recent political past. To do so effectively however all the bad blood must be washed away and the party has to unite. By supporting Alex Salmond after Salmond had deliberately scuppered his own chances Alex Neil proved that sometimes SNP politicians can put the good of the party first before their own ambition. I hope Salmond will likewise make the best use of the political resources available this time around. The first thing to do is realise that mistakes have been made and learn from them. The party needs at this point to put the gradualist lame duck out of its misery. A wishy-washy commitment to independence is not good enough for a nationalist party. Gradualism has failed and an alternative more straight forward strategy is required. If we must have a referendum then it has to happen immediately on gaining power not after farting about for three years in the Scottish Parliament. A definite turn back to the left is urgently required. The SNP will never win independence from the centre right, and it has to be consistently on the left in its full set of policies. The party must learn from the SSP and start moving funds from bulging MSP pockets out to their local organisations. Armani Suits and flash cars won’t win independence The party must forget silly class-divisive anti-smoking campaigns and concentrate on pushing genuine civil rights issues like stopping British ID cards. The party must look at what issues can highlight the divisions between the British state and the independence movement. Republicanism is an obvious avenue of attack. If the oath isn’t required for Stormont it shouldn’t be required for Holyrood. Finally, we should give full wholehearted support to the independence convention and work together with the other Scottish parties to create a left of centre consensus in Scotland. This article was published in the Scottish Workers Republic and the Free Scot Review. How can Scots parties move forward to Independence?by Joe Middleton In my last article [for Free Scot Review, see 'Republican Socialist SNP is the way forward' below] I argued that the SNP should support a more radical socialist republican line which would encourage our activists and stimulate our vote. I also suggested that we should adapt the SSP salary policy, thereby allowing generous funds to be devoted to the independence cause. It is true that any Scottish party fights any election under enormous disadvantages. The vast majority of newspapers and TV stations, probably all of them, are owned by or run by non-Scots, or certainly non-independence minded, non-socialist, non-radical Scots. The message of the SNP or SSP is never therefore going to force its way through this prism, much as we might like it to. The independence arguments will never be properly aired when the vast majority of TV coverage emanates from London and is heavily slanted towards the main UK parties, which I’ll name LIBLABORYISM for short (well ... not that short obviously). Liblaboryism is a form of politics which embraces the status quo and the rich. It is funded by business and represents little to no prospect of change. Oh yes, small tinkering will be done at the edges, slightly to the left very occasionally, but mostly the political spectrum drifts further and further to the right. Real power does not even rest with our unreachable “president”, Tony Blair, who is in reality only the latest in a long line of Tory puppets. Real power lies with international and multinational business and the capitalist world trade organisations. A power bloc also exists in Europe but Scotland has no say there at all, nor any input anywhere else either. The Scottish Parliament has no genuine powers and no will to use the existing limited powers. The unionists at this point have a lock on power. The SNP view, that eventually opposition will become power, is deluded. If one wants to see a concrete example of how the parliament really operates, have a quick look at the stitch-up over office accommodation. Though this is a trivial matter, it is a fact that despite being Scotland’s official “opposition” the SNP have been forced over three floors while the unionist parties are together on a floor each. In a recent interview David McLetchie described how the Tories would prop up Labour if the Liberal Democrat / Labour alliance failed : “As long as the Labour/Liberal axis exists, they are likely to have a majority in Parliament. That might not be so far away from breaking as one thinks,” he says. When this occurs, it is McLetchie’s modest aim to then work on an issue-by-issue basis with Labour, in order to imprint Conservative influence on legislation.
(Scotland on Sunday 09/05/2004) This article appeared in the Free Scot Review Democracy destroyed in the heart of Europe by Jo Harvie
(re-printed
from the Scottish Socialist
Voice) "I suppose it's a combination of a political party and a movement", explains Alan McCombes, who recently visited the Basque Country with another SSP member, Lloyd Quinan, on the invitation of Batasuna. "It includes different component parts. There's a youth movement, a women's organisation, newspapers, radio stations. The trade union federation that they're linked to organises 32,000 workers, about 16 per cent of the workforce. They have about 5000 to 7000 people active in the different elements of Batasuna, organised into 200 branches." All that, and Batasuna has been functioning illegally for the last three years, since it was banned by the right-wing Spanish government of Aznar. When Batasuna was illegalised, they had 60 mayors of towns and villages, 860 councillors, 40 regional councillors, 14 parliamentary deputies (MPs) in the Basque autonomous parliament, one Euro MEP and around 15 per cent of the vote - about 200,000 votes. "Aznar's ban", says Alan, "represented a massive onslaught by the Spanish state against those forces that were fighting for independence and socialism in the Basque Country." "Many of their leaders were arrested, using the pretext of terrorism and ETA - even though they have no links. I met several people who had just been released from prison, who were elected mayors of towns, some of them quite elderly women. They had been imprisoned for one and a half years but they were never put on trial." The Basque people's struggle for independence from Spain has been long and bloody. Under the fascist dictator Franco, people were executed for speaking Basque and gravestones inscribed in Basque were erased. In the 1960s, resistance in the Basque Country to the fascist Spanish regime took the form of an armed struggle. "The problem is that, after Franco died, there never was any real peace process or any attempt to deal with the fact that Spanish jails were packed with young Basques who'd taken up arms against Franco."
"The governments that have replaced him have explicitly denied the right of the
Basque people, and of the people of Catalonia and Galicia, to
self-determination." It explicitly upholds the "territorial integrity" of Spain - it says that Spain is an indivisible country and cannot be broken up, and any attempt by anybody to bring about the division of Spain is regarded as a treasonable offence.
"The thing is," Alan continues, "the Basque Country is one of the economic
powerhouses of the Spanish state. Without the Basque Country and Catalonia,
Spain would be virtually a third world country in terms of its economic
development." "Batasuna as a movement is right now about three things - promoting independence, promoting socialism and class struggle, and trying to find a peaceful way forward. But they also understand that it will be difficult to get a peaceful resolution unless the issue of the prisoners is dealt with and unless some democratic channels are opened to allow the people of the Basque country to express their right to self-determination." Before the crackdown, when Batasuna controlled dozens of councils, their methods were crucial in establishing their roots in Basque communities. They threw open the town halls, holding referenda on controversial issues and building grassroots participatory democracy. Batasuna's commitment to peaceful direct action is also a clear indication of their class-based politics. Their youth movement, SEGI, which is also illegal, has an impressive track record. "One of the things that struck me was their campaign to establish 'youth houses'," recalls Alan, with an enthusiastic grin spreading over his face. "They take over derelict buildings, in some cases battling with the Civil Guard - the national armed police force - to secure them. Then they transform them into youth centres." "There's one place in Arrunya, Pamplona, a five-storey building that they took over a few years ago and spent weeks battling with the police who were trying to evict them." "They held the building and today it has a restaurant, a bar, a concert hall, a pilota court - pilota is the national sport of the Basque Country - and it's a huge youth centre." "Lloyd and myself briefly visited a youth camp in the mountains organised by SEGI. There were 7000 young people there in a totally illegal gathering. It perhaps won't be a surprise to learn that one of Alan's other favourite experiences of Batasuna's organisation was their People's Taverns' - café-bars run much like social clubs." "They were closed down but most of them have just reopened - the state hasn't been able to enforce the ban. The reason for that is the strength of support for the pro-independence left movement in the Basque Country." Although the objective conditions for Batasuna and the Scottish Socialist Party are obviously very different, Alan believes we share a lot of common ground, and that the SSP can learn a lot from this vibrant organisation. "The national question is much more intense than it is in Scotland - it dominates everything in the Basque Country. But the pro-independence left have very strongly linked their struggle for independence with class politics on the ground." "Their slogan, independence and socialism', is seen everywhere, in the people's taverns, on the streets, on the walls, with a red star which is remarkably identical to the red star logo of the SSP." "Batasuna continue to promote redistribution of wealth. Their analysis of globalisation is very similar to ours. Their analysis of the European union is very close to the SSP's manifesto for the forthcoming European elections." "They haven't flinched from taking up difficult social issues. They argue very forcibly for equality for women, including for abortion rights. They oppose homophobia and strongly argue for gay and lesbian rights." Considering that the Basque Country is such a magnet for migration, Alan also wanted to find out what the pro-independence left's attitude was to immigration and asylum. "In their eyes, anybody who lives in the Basque Country is Basque. They welcome asylum seekers, and migrants from other parts of Spain. At the same time they do promote the Basque culture and language, which has undergone an incredible revitalisation over the last decade in particular." Flowing through Batasuna and its movement's component parts is a vivacious culture fusing language, community campaigns, direct action, wealth redistribution and a passionate fight for justice and national self-determination. And that's why they're not just a political party... they're a different kind of party altogether. Why Fiscal Autonomy is not possible without Independence Lothian MSP Kenny MacAskill's call for a Fiscal Autonomy convention (Holyrood Mag. 04/04) is a clear attempt to undermine the Independence Convention, which is officially supported by the SNP. We have to make a clear case for Independence and that is what the Independence Convention is about. Independence is a lot clearer than Fiscal Autonomy because FA means different things to different people.
An anonymous Tory quoted in Scotland on Sunday: "The debate went on long and hard, but the firm
feeling was that we should be going in that direction [fiscal autonomy]," one insider said. "We
are not talking about the Parliament being totally financially independent, but
that there should be at least a sum of money it raises for itself."
It is also not achievable without independence as
neither the Tories or Labour are going to serve up such a dish on a silver
platter any more than
they are likely to secede control of broadcasting.
It is our job to defeat unionists and unionism by pushing our views to such an
extent, that the current unionists eventually realise that Independence is the
best option. Supporting Republicanism would be a statement of intent, that we
reject Britishness as a false identity and support the full sovereignty of the
Scottish people, rejecting the main symbol of British identity, the Queen.
Up until 1999 we were gradually building credibility
as an alternative to Labour. In Alex Salmond we had a strong leader (it must be
remembered though, that his appeal had worn thin, through over exposure) who
played up his personal socialism with a pragmatic approach to business. SNP Enterprise Spokesperson Jim Mather went well over the top in his support for business, even trying to rule out any prospect of a 'left wing Scotland' under independence! A quite farcical attitude for a spokesman of a left of centre political party! Luckily Mather is not representative of most of the SNP, he was quickly forced to backtrack on his comments and John Swinney has made it clear that there will be no suicidal sharp turn to the right.
I think we can learn lessons from the SSP, where
they have done well, to strengthen and develop the SNP. We should try and build a
general alliance of the left which can then push for independence and also shift
debate towards a Scottish political agenda rather than an imported English one.
Alex Salmond memorably described Devolution as a 'plasticene
parliament'.
The parliament that counts will have the powers over Scotland that Westminster
holds at the moment, it will play a full and equal part in the EU, it will be an
independent voice in the UN. LOSING THE HEID - by George RosieRead to the Andrew Fletcher Society, 6 May 1995 I've got to say that we were wrong. Nobody was interested. Nobody paid the slightest bit of attention. So far as I can recall, not one newspaper - not even the Scottish newspapers - even bothered to review the programme. It sank without trace. The facts that we had dug up went by the board. The argument went unchallenged. The Scottish economy kept on losing the heid. And the process went on. It's still going on, and I'm still worried. In fact, I'm even more worried. In the spring of 1995 we lost again. The so-called Scottish Lobby failed to persuade Her Majesty's Government to keep Scottish Nuclear intact. The Government let it be known - ahead of the official announcement - that Scottish Nuclear and its English counterpart will be made as one before they are privatised. Scotland and the Scottish interest is to lose control of yet another important part of the economy. We are told that Ian Lang triumphed by persuading the Cabinet that the headquarters of the new company must be located in Edinburgh. This is good news - good news, that is, for British Airways and British Midland, because it means that the Edinburgh-based executives of the new company will spend most of their time in the air en route to London. Until, that is, they find that they really must find a headquarters in London. Because, as sure as night follows day, that is what will happen. Meanwhile, we hope against hope that the English voter will deliver Tony Blair and with him our own Parliament, but they'd better hurry, because it a distinct Scottish polity ever does emerge, any identifiable Scottish economy may have ceased to exist. There may be little or nothing left. The politicians in the old High School may find themselves haggling over a collection of branch factories, regional offices and local distribution depots which can be whipped away at any time - as we have seen so often over the past fifteen years. An Assembly or Parliament trying to raise taxes from a branch-factory economy is not in the strongest of positions. External ownership imposes some fairly strict limitations. WHAT HAS BEEN HAPPENING?
In the past ten years or so the haemorrhage of
corporate power and influence out of Scotland has been prodigious. Many of
Scotland's biggest, best and most eminent companies - the House of Fraser,
Anderson Strathclyde, The Distillers Company, Arthur Bell, Britoil, British
Caledonian, Loganair - have slipped into non-Scottish (usually English)
ownership. The takeover and merger zeal - some would say 'mania' - of the 1980s
boosted - some would say 'exacerbated' - a process which had been going on since
the end of World War I, and which owes as much to old-time Socialist enthusiasms
as it does to unbridled capitalism. And which - to some extent at least -
accounts for the unconscionable nervousness of corporate Scotland about any
constitutional change. If your bosses in London, New York, Frankfurt or even
further afield are fretting over the future of a country about which they know
little or nothing, their unease is guaranteed to make their Scottish managers
want to hang on to the status quo like grim death. Better the devil you know.
One operation that particularly intrigues me
is that quintessential Scottish firm, Highland Spring. You've seen the bottles
on most supermarket shelves, mineral water, both fizzy and flat, piped out of
the ground at Blackford near Auchterarder in Perthshire and bottled on the spot.
Decked out with pictures of bens and glens. What could be more Scottish? It's
bogus, of course. The company is owned by Arab interests through a corporate
body set up in Liechtenstein. The main shareholder is a one-time Arab diplomat,
Mohammed Al Tajir. It seem to me that there are three powerful strands in this process which is stripping Scotland of its industrial, financial and commercial autonomy. Let me try to tease them out. 1 Hostile Takeovers The open nature of the British stock market makes Scottish (and, indeed, other British) firms vulnerable to foreign predators. They are easy meat. Very few European countries have company structures which are so accessible and so vulnerable. It was hostile takeovers that lost us the House of Fraser - Scotland's biggest retailer; the Distillers Company Ltd - Scotland's biggest whisky maker; Anderson Strathclyde - Scotland's biggest maker of mining equipment; Britoil - Scotland's biggest industrial company, now subsumed into British Petroleum. And if Ernest Saunders is to be believed, the whole idea for the takeover of Distillers by Guinness came not from him or from within Guinness but from the merchant bankers - I think it was Morgan Grenfell - who went on to make millions from the deal. 2 Friendly Takeovers and MergersNot all takeovers are hostile. Far from it. The big majority are friendlys. And they are not confined to tired old family firms whose owners are looking to retire to the golf course. There is a distinct - and some would say, alarming - tendency among the most enterprising of Scotland's firms to sell out once they reach a certain size. Often this is done for what is claimed to be the best of reasons: access to more capital, bigger and better markets, better technology, better research and development prospects, and so on. Companies which have gone this way include high-grade electronic firms like Fortronic, MESL, Domain Power, Office Workstations, as well as, to mention them again, the William Low Group. Also in this category is British Caledonian, once Scotland's biggest airline, and now the charter arm of British Airways. 3 NationalisationWhen the Labour Party or the Scottish TUC complain, as they do, about the
hostile takeovers of Scottish companies (with the consequent loss of jobs in
Scotland), the nationalisation factor in the equation is never mentioned. This
is probably because it goes against Scotland's political grain. But it should be
mentioned, because the great nationalisation programmes of the Labour
Governments of the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s stripped the Scottish economy of
control over its heavy industries. And the Scottish economy was extraordinarily
rich in heavy industries. It was through socialism that we lost control of our
coal mines, railways, steel mills, gas industry, ship- building firms, and
aircraft builders. It was done with the finest of intentions and the best will
in the world, but nationalisation was a devastating blow to industrial Scotland.
All of which raises the question: does it matter? After all, most of the
companies which have been taken over are still operating in Scotland, still
producing revenue, still providing jobs (though perhaps not as many as before).
Some of them, Distillers for example, appear to be in better shape than when
they were in Scottish hand. One man who has strong views on this - and he is no nationalist - is Bruce
Pattullo of the Bank of Scotland. He argues that the loss of corporate
headquarters is damaging in a hundred subtle ways. Not only does it remove
decision-making from Scotland but it also leaches away high-grade work for
professionals : accountants, lawyers, advertising agents, designers, architects,
printers, even caterers. Pattullo argues that the sheer quality of work
generated by a head office is beyond anything that a branch office, no matter
how successful, can offer. But it matters in other ways, too. It can distort the way that Scotland is seen by Government and, more importantly perhaps, the way Scotland sees itself. Let me explain what I mean. Take the case of the Guinness subsidiary, United Distillers, once known as DCL, the makers of Bells, Johnnie Walker, Dewars, and White Horse Whisky. At the last count, Guinness made profits of £702 million. No less than £561 million of that, or around eighty per cent, was generated by the gin and whisky makers of United Distillers. But if, as seems certain, Guinness pays its huge tax bill through its head
office at 39 Portman Square, who gets credited with generating the revenue? Why,
the pen-pushers and keyboard operators of London, that's who. The way things are
organised, the wealth created by the distilleries around Scotland is credited to
London and the south-east of England, which has the effect of making London and
the south-east of England appear economically much stronger than it is, while at
the same time making Scotland appear much weaker than it is. Like much else in Scotland, this is an issue which goes to the heart of
Scotland's constitutional position. On the one hand it seems absurd for Scots to
get all hot and bothered about one British company taking over another British
company. On the other hand, it is hard for many Scots, and not just political
nationalists, to watch great chunks of the Scottish economy being bitten off and
carried away over the Border or overseas. A branch factory economy is an
unsatisfactory replacement. When the economic going gets tough (or sometimes as
soon as the tax incentives run out), the branch factory is the first to be
closed. When wages get too high, then it can be easily shifted into one of the
world's sweatshop countries. And, as we have seen so often in the past fifteen
years, there is nothing we can do about it. Labour Government using Terrorism as excuse for ID cards Letter to Alistair Darling (MP for Edinburgh Central) A lot of fuss has been made about recent arrests under the PTA, however we still
do not know whether any crime has actually been committed by these suspects. (complete letter from Home Office is below)
The time to stop the cards is now - by Kevin Williamson From : Rebel ink (Kevin's column in the Scottish Socialist Voice) As the full implications of his British Identity Card scheme begin to sink in you have to wonder whether David Blunkett first read George Orwell's 1984 as a brilliant piece of prophetic literature or as a New Labour manual. "Always, at every moment, there will be the thrill of victory, the sensation of trampling on an enemy who is helpless. If you want a picture of the future, imagine a boot stamping on a human face - for ever." While most intelligent people would have taken Orwell's classic (written in 1948) as a warning against authoritarian control, Blunkett must have been wetting his pants with excitement as he turned the pages. "And remember that it is for ever. The face will always be there to be stamped upon. The heretic, the enemy of society, will always be there, so that he can be defeated and humiliated over again. Everything that you have undergone since you have been in our hands - all that will continue, and worse. The espionage, the betrayals, the arrests, the tortures, the executions, the disappearances will never cease. It will be a world of terror as much as a world of triumph." Now it's British Identity Cards that are being touted as a necessary answer to the threat of 'terrorism'. Not a specific terrorism but a loose fit terrorism, where Osama Bin Laden has become Orwell's Goldstein, forever plotting against "democracy" and "the west", and where any non-WASP from overseas is subtly portrayed either as a potential security risk or as an unwanted intruder. Every teatime news bulletin on the BBC now has its obligatory Newspeak propaganda item about the threat from terrorism, asylum seekers, etc. The FUD school of news stories that Blunkett and the corporate media draw from appear limitless (spreading Fear, Uncertainty, and Doubt ). I'm still waiting for the first newspaper editorial that states truthfully
that the people of
But we'll get these British Identity Cards too, based, most likely, on
biometric readings taken from our eyeballs, which are then stored on
microchips, and ultimately linked to a central electronic database in
A member of the Scottish National Party who openly criticised the leader John
Swinney has been suspended by the party. West of Scotland MSP Campbell Martin
now faces a disciplinary hearing next month which has powers to expel him. It
follows an attack on the leadership last week. He said he would leave the SNP
if Mr Swinney remained in charge. Under the constraints of devolution an SNP administration could tinker
round the edges of the areas of government in which the British allow us to
have a say, but without independence we cannot tackle the problems that
continue to blight the lives of far too many Scots. That's why I believe it is
dishonest for the present SNP leadership to present to the electorate an
agenda that settles for less than independence. The SNP, under John, has lost hundreds of thousands of votes; we have lost
one Westminster seat, eight Scottish Parliament seats and over twenty council
seats. Under John Swinney's leadership the SNP has haemorrhaged members across
the country and saw our national leadership blame activists for the extremely
poor election result in 2003. And let's not forget that, contrary to popular
belief (leadership spin), Mike Russell and Andrew Wilson were not de-selected
by SNP members - they were not returned to the Scottish Parliament because, at
the 2003 election, the SNP under John Swinney's leadership could not attract
enough votes. The reality is that, had the SNP even just held its level of
support from the 1999 Scottish Parliament Election, both Mike and Andrew would
have been re-elected. No-one can accuse me of stabbing John Swinney in the back - that has been
done by those who seek to replace him. I have made my criticisms upfront and
have done so to try and get our party back to where I believe we should be -
campaigning first, last and always for independence.
Labour's Divide and Rule
school closure tactics Here we have the old 'good cop' bad cop' routine but it's all the same
party, if you don't want your local schools closed don't vote Labour! The same
thing is happening in the Borders. Since the elections there are three main independent Scottish parties. All are on the left. All support Scottish Independence, all are trivialised by the media, none have any genuine access to the centre of UK power in London. Lloyd Quinan's move to the SSP has been described by the press as a defection but it is more accurately a realignment. Formerly Scottish left activists who supported independence had one choice of party, now there are three parties and depending on how patriotic, socialist or environmentally aware you feel you are, one of these parties is going to be more attractive than the others. Lloyd Quinan was one of the most active MSP's in the parliament and one of the most talented. The fact both he and Margo did not rise far through the ranks is an indictment of the SNP leadership. Quinan used to make a living grilling politicians on Trial by Night, it was absurd not to use his abilities at the top of the SNP. Both Margo and Lloyd are talented campaigners who are willing to grasp the big issues. Both were left politically isolated by the party. I don’t know whether this was due to jealousy of their high public profile or other internal disagreements. Certainly both of these individuals are a big loss for the SNP. I can easily understand why Lloyd, as a left winger, has moved over to the SSP and I can also understand why Margo decided to stand as an independent. Ultimately however, we need a national movement which is large enough to re-incorporate these two nationalists and bring back to the fold people like Jim Sillars. Jim Mather is a lone voice. The main strand in the SNP at the moment is the gradualists their argument is that the SNP have achieved a unique level of power (as Scotland's official opposition) and that the party needs to build on this to eventually gain power and build trust to then gain independence. It is probably true that constitutional change of the magnitude of independence is unlikely within the next twenty years, that is, if the Scottish parties continue to play the exact same political game. Any Scottish party fights any Scottish election under enormous disadvantages. The vast majority of newspapers and TV stations, probably all of them, are owned by or ran by non-Scots or certainly non-independence non-socialist non-radical Scots. The message therefore of the SNP or SSP is never therefore going to force its way through this prism, much as we may like them to. The independence arguments will never be properly aired when the vast majority of TV coverage is highly biased and heavily slanted towards the main UK parties LIBLABORYISM for short (well... not that short obviously).
Liblaboryism is a form of politics which embraces
the status quo and the rich. It is funded by business and represents little to no
prospect of change. Real power lies with international and multinational business and the capitalist world trade organisations. A power bloc also exists in Europe but Scotland has no say there at all, nor any input anywhere else either. The Scottish Parliament has no genuine powers and no will to use the existing limited powers. The unionist at this point have a lock on power. The SNP view that eventually opposition will become power is deluded. If one wants to see a concrete example of how the parliament really operates have a quick look at the stitch up today over office accommodation. Though this is a trivial matter it is a fact that despite being Scotland's official opposition the SNP have been forced over three floors while the unionist parties are together on a floor each.
Liblaboryism is a powerful organisation when it
decides to rule together. The set up of the Scottish parliament also lends itself
towards unfairness. The voting system with its FPTP majority element basically
guarantees power for unionism. Essentially another layer of elected apparatchiks (but now on an all party basis rather than the former Stalinist dictatorship of Labour) will fiddle around with silly projects, up the level of council tax and remain entirely subservient to central government. Labour knows that local councils don't matter and is probably glad to clean out most of their dinosaurs who don't agree with Tony. No, STV will never reach the actual powerbase, Westminster and it will never reach the Scottish Parliament either (just in case). The Scottish Parliament is controlled by a block grant, we could raise 3p in the pound but it might encourage Westminster to rap our knuckles the next time. There are two hopeful elements in the Scots body politic however. One is the aforementioned rise to greater prominence of smaller parties due to the proportional element of the Scottish Parliament (not exactly STV but better than nothing). Two is the Scottish independence convention. The Scottish independence convention offers an opportunity to work together on the mechanics of independence. Once we nail down the route map to independence, set up the actual mechanics of a referendum and decide in advance the objectives of independence negotiations it will be much more transparent to the electorate. The potential of agreement within the Scottish left is much larger than the silly arguments that crop up around election time. Boo! says Labour ye canny afford independence! Aye we kin! say SNP, other issues tend to be strangled between the phoney debate on these two positions. In reality the economics of independence cannot be proven one way or the other, resting as it does on various sets of figures, a lot of which are unavailable. We must move on from arguing whether Scotland can afford to be independent, the question is really can we afford not to be? Given the alarming political moves from London all left parties must unite around a move away from Liblaboryism and its elected dictatorship - The House of Commons under our old friend FPTP. FPTP guarantees a majority without a majority of the votes. Under the stifling nature of Liblaboryism any new and/or progressive or even interesting political ideas are kicked into touch. To give but one example the case for a local income tax has been overwhelming for years but since it was an SNP idea (now adopted by SSP under a different name) Labour cling to the council tax, a system which is for most people a lot worse than the hated Poll Tax it replaced. The truth is the Tories don't want it and Labour just don't have the guts to rock the boat. So how do we defeat Liblaboryism or ‘Unionism’? The only way is by forming our own movement to defeat it. The name of this movement doesn't matter but what it must do is involve all Scottish political parties. By this I don't mean Labour, Tories or Lib Dems, all of these parties are irrelevant to a progressive Scottish society. Each is controlled by London, each supports the existing union, each has turned its back on giving any more power to the Scottish Parliament. The Tories interest in fiscal autonomy is as genuine as their new support for the Scottish parliament. The Tories say one thing in power and another in opposition. Does anyone seriously believe the Tories would stop tuition fees or PFI? The cause of independence will not be won by coffee mornings, cheese and wines, jumble sales or squeezing our own rapidly declining vote into the polling stations. The only way forward is preaching a different agenda on a one to one basis across a door step or even better in a public meeting. There are lots of people who do want change and who are sick of the existing political system. The decline in the vote shows that the existing political structure, candidates and parties do NOT match peoples expectations. I suggest we use the convention as the first building blocks towards a permanent alliance of the left. The SNP, Greens and SSP need to start supporting each other in the Scottish parliament. We should share knowledge, meet often and eventually form electoral pacts. That is the only way to win the rigged FPTP elections. The SNP has successfully built considerable support up North, the SSP is beginning to break through in Glasgow and the central belt. The Greens had the greatest breakthrough in the Scottish parliamentary elections and are becoming stronger throughout the EEC. All parties pretend to be Green at election times. Lets be genuinely green all the time by going through the whole Green manifesto and trying to adopt every policy that might work. The SNP manifesto in 1992 was very green. It can be done and needs to be done. A genuine green agenda slips comfortably into a more socialist philosophy. The SSP have made a big breakthrough by uniting the general fringe left. Even the SWP, no friends to independence, have joined the SSP along with tiny but important political groups like the Scottish Republican Socialist Party. Many left wing people have tried and failed to infiltrate the Labour party. While I understand the reasons (if Labour could be turned to independence for example we would get it tomorrow) but ultimately such moves are self defeating. Labour is only a name. The concept of a Labour party while still relevant must be turned into a newer grouping which moves forwards. Labour voters are doing so not for any love of Tony Blair, it is because of a memory of change. The fact is that none of the other parties have came up with a more relevant political philosophy. Independence is potentially an exciting concept but it does not become relevant to voters until flesh is put onto the bare policy bones. The SNP's main problem is that it has no easily identifiable political direction. As a voter said to me we are "an umbrella" but people want to know what's under it. The independence convention provides the umbrella that the SNP was supposed to be but has never truly become. As a political party we are too divided. We have to make the convention the start of a process of working together with the new Scottish parties on a general basis. It is up to individuals if they wish to change parties but ultimately a new and genuine cross party left alliance would be the most fulfilling grouping. The Convention, if properly run, will give rise a to a much greater forum of people united around the cause of independence, the logical next step then is a Scottish independence alliance that can turn the concept of independence into actual reality. Joe Middleton was until recently Press Officer for Midlothian SNP This article was printed in the Scottish Left Review TIME FOR SNP MSP'S TO CHOOSE DIRECTION Yet again Jim Mather
has chosen to push a suicidal Tartan Toryism. Quoted in the Sunday Herald he
says "We want
more millionaires, and any notion that an independent Scotland would be a left-wing
country is delusional nonsense." LUDICROUS ENTRYIST ALLEGATIONS SWITCH OFF VOTERS In the Sunday Herald last week, Lothian SNP MSP Kenny MacAskill made a quite ludicrous allegation that the challenge to John Swinney's leadership comes from an "entryist cabal" of former Labour Party members who are trying to disrupt the SNP. So those who have spent years strengthening the party with their hard work and pushing the parties policies have been doing so just to turn around and ruin the SNP. Yeah right, that makes a lot of sense! Bill Wilson has made his reasons for standing very clear. He is unhappy with the parties current direction, as are many others, most of whom are not former members of the Labour party! More information about Bills campaign in his own words is freely available from his website www.bill-wilson.com. Mr MacAskill himself is a former 79 Group rebel who didn't hesitate to try and change the party's direction before in the early 80s and he recalls this in his article. Mr MacAskill is also a former socialist, a former fundamentalist, and a former close ally and close associate of many on the left of the SNP, as such he is aiming these allegations at himself, or at least the man he used to be! Mr MacAskill claims that the party should be arguing policy inside the party not in "the spotlight of the media". A pity then that he chose to start the current debate off with two controversial articles in the Sunday Times! Firstly, he suggested that we should "park independence" or at least that was how the paper interpreted it) and accept some kind of regional status, but then he promptly denied this, leaving people wondering "what then was he actually saying?"
For his next trick he suggested that the SNPs
Bannockburn rally was "anti-English" and a waste of time and we should all
support Tartan Day instead. This was rightly condemned as "political correctness gone mad". SNP leftist faces party expulsion for News article Evening News - 16/09/2003 AN SNP activist is facing expulsion from the party after he wrote an article in the Evening News calling for a republican socialist Scotland. Joe Middleton, who is press officer for the SNP’s Midlothian constituency association, used a comment piece to urge the party to emphasise its left-wing policies. But other activists in the association claimed his description as "press officer for Midlothian SNP" made it look as if his views had been endorsed by the local party. And at a meeting last week, they voted to remove Mr Middleton from his post and recommend his expulsion from the party. In his article on August 11, Mr Middleton, an SNP member for 16 years, said: "We must stop drifting to the centre and push our full range of left-wing policies." And he added: "We must clearly state that a republican socialist Scotland is our aim." Mr Middleton said party rules meant he could not discuss internal party matters. But a supporter said: "It’s just a few people who don’t like the opinions expressed in the article. They are trying to misrepresent it as a press release whereas it is obviously a personal article. "Joe is a left-winger in the party and he’s arguing we should be pushing a left-wing agenda. Some people feel a bit threatened by it. "The whole thing is a nonsense and hopefully the national executive will tell them to get lost." SNP headquarters said they could not comment on internal matters, but confirmed they were "aware" of the situation. Republic Socialist SNP is the way forward The leadership challenge of Bill Wilson should not be taken as a direct attack on John Swinney, rather it is a symptom, a symptom of a party which no longer knows exactly what it stands for. Sadly some of the statements by those who oppose his candidature indicate a certain arrogance by the leadership. The SNP is in a crisis. We have had a very bad election result, we are effectively skint, our activists are discouraged and our membership is falling. To pretend all is well is not good enough. As a constituency level activist who has been in the SNP for approximately sixteen years I believe the party can turn its electoral fortunes around but firstly we need to decide who we are. I believe socialist policies in an independent republican Scotland must be the ultimate aim of the SNP. If we don’t make a choice about our future direction then we run the risk of becoming irrelevant to the Scottish people. Eventually we might be replaced or defeated electorally by either the Greens or the SSP who are now alternative potential repositories of a nationalist vote. The SSP in particular are an obvious electoral threat to the SNP. Their use of half their MSP’s salary means they will become progressively better funded as time goes on. The SNP is currently £500,000 in debt. In the term of the last parliament we received around £7M in individual MSP wages alone. If we followed the SSP and appropriated half of our MSP wages we could still potentially raise around £2.5M in the four years of the current Parliamentary term. We could use devolution to fund the independence struggle and kiss goodbye to the soul sapping begging letters and small time fund raising which demoralises our activists and ensures we never properly fund a national campaign. With substantial funds we could open professional offices for our members use throughout Scotland, a real step forward for many Constituency Associations. Moves are afoot to raise some funds from MSP’s but in my opinion these do not go far enough. I appreciate SNP MSP’s wouldn’t enjoy a 50% pay cut but even half a MSP’s salary is still a very substantial sum and should be enough for true committed nationalist politicians at a time when the party desperately needs more funds. In terms of the political campaign, it seems obvious that we have picked up on the “youth crime” angle through telephone and doorstep canvassing. There is no doubt that crime is an issue of major concern however the truth is it’s not just a case of employing more police officers. It’s also not just youths who are criminals (most victims are youths themselves) and the real problem is poor educational standards, lack of investment in local communities, unemployment and many other strands. To suggest we can solve this problem by employing more police made us sound exactly like the Tories, a classic case of shooting ourselves in the foot. Labour sounded very similar to us on this issue so we had the bizarre spectacle of the SNP, Tories and Labour talking tough on crime while it was left to the Liberal Democrats to inject some sense into the debate. We have to ensure our policies are a part of an overall strategy and part of a coherent left wing agenda. How can people take us seriously as a left wing alternative to Labour and believe us when we say Labour have sold out if we don’t sound any different to Labour? It doesn’t make sense and it is obvious the SSP have used our old message more effectively than we have. We have to regain the radical ground and portray a vision of a more just society with independence. We have to say what our full policies are and not allow ourselves to be boxed in by debates on what can be achieved within the Scottish parliament. The truth is that re-cutting Gordon Brown’s financial cake will not greatly improve matters and we should admit this fact to the electorate. The supposed gradualist movement is not one I fully understand. We all want more powers for the Parliament but these are not going to be granted by the UK Government. Only full independence can release the Parliament, independence can only happen with majority support, therefore we need to hold and win a referendum on independence or win a Scottish election outright. I don’t think we should wait three years to do this. We should hold it as soon as it can possibly be arranged. If we don’t say this clearly to the electorate we risk giving the impression that the party is basically content with regional powers, this could potentially kill our party and lose activists. If we waited three years for a referendum and ran the parliament better than Labour (we could hardly do worse) where is the incentive for the electorate to vote for independence? I would prefer to see us not stand for the parliament at all than sell our political soul for a share in regional government. The parliament has to be a stepping stone to independence, not an alternative to it. More powers would of course be nice but they are not just going to be handed over by the UK. We need to work with the other independence parties on this issue to try and maximise debate on independence and push for a referendum. The Lib-Dems might at some point support such a policy but they are a unionist party and their natural ally is Labour not the SNP. Rather than admit that the result was poor the party prefers to congratulate itself on winning FPTP seats. Firstly, there was only a couple of wins, secondly they were by people who were already in the parliament via the regional lists and thirdly they were by people who had achieved a high profile in the parliament. The problem is our disastrous performance throughout most of the central belt at the elections. Labour are progressively becoming less popular but are we offering a inspiring alternative? No, because devolution does not offer any exciting answers to any political questions. It is a constitutional cul-de-sac which traps us into a regionalist way of thinking. Paying lip service to the UK monarch dilutes our credibility as Scottish nationalists. There is no good reason for an oath to the Queen being a requirement for entry into the Scottish Parliament. If it can be ditched for nationalists at Stormont it can be ditched for Holyrood also. A clear republican policy could be the defining principle which could revolutionise our party. Why are our activists falling away, why is our membership decreasing? Activists are in politics to win debates, to win arguments, to defeat opponents, to win independence. Our organisation certainly needs improved and the party is taking steps to improve this but politics is not just about organisation it’s also about inspiration. To knock a door with conviction and to be inspired you need a message that resonates with the people, you need to illustrate how independence will change their life. You have to point to full employment, a decent minimum wage, better benefits, more pensions. In devolution all we can say is we’ll slice the devolved financial cake differently. But the cake is still baked by Gordon Brown and the money and powers are not there to change how Scotland is run. No wonder the public see the devolved parliament as irrelevant, it is! Duncan Hamilton in his Scotsman column has been arguing for a move towards the centre, in other words towards the right. Jim Mather’s call to reconsider working with the Tories shows that he wants a shift to the right as well. There are three unionist centre right parties already, we need to carve a distinctive consensus from the left, along with the new independence supporting independent Scottish parties, the Greens and SSP. The unionists right wing agenda is tailored towards England not Scotland and following it can only result in losing both respect and credibility in Scotland. As a democrat I welcome the fact that Bill Wilson is standing, it will enable the party to discuss our future. It is a sign that democracy is still healthy in the party that such an action can be taken by an SNP activist. It is not unheard of that someone in his position could be elected as leader. However, to actually change the direction of the party would require an alternative slate of similarly committed individuals, one man is not enough and one change in the leadership wouldn’t necessarily make an enormous difference. Swinney is competent at his job, his main problem as I see it is that he has followed the Salmond style of small team leadership which is not appropriate to a larger and more diverse parliamentary group. I think Mr Swinney should meet Mr Wilson in a televised debate and prove he is the best leader of the SNP, he should also, as a gesture of fairness, delay his conference leaders speech until the votes are in. If he does these things then he could well be re-elected with a strong mandate to lead the party. If not, then he has only himself to blame if he loses, or wins with a small and unconvincing margin. It is the direction of the party rather than our front man however, that we actually need to change. Those in the SNP who believe in a republican socialist future for Scotland must work together and attempt to win the political debate internally. That is the only way we will make our party a dynamic political force again. These comments represent the personal views of Joe Middleton and do not in any way express the official view of Midlothian SNP The above article has appeared in the Edinburgh Evening News, The Free Scot Review and the Scottish Left Review
In the 2003 election we had a very good candidate, Graham Sutherland, who had a strong knowledge of all issues, who was a talented debater, who produced high quality press releases (and I again fulfilled a back up role with press releases and letters on behalf of the CA) but at the end of the day we lost and our vote declined. There is no doubt that our local organisation has been better at times in the past though it has never been brilliant. We made money at one point, then squandered it, we had more branches and now we have less. In fact we were in a significantly poorer position recently and credit should go to Dougie Crawford (current CA convener) for drawing us together again and building us back into a unit which still managed a creditable campaign. In 1999 we achieved our best result in Midlothian since 1974, we hoped to build on this in the next Scottish election and overlooked a rotten result in 2001. Its the UK elections we thought, naturally the SNP will do better in the Scottish elections, yet we didn't. I've outlined some of the reasons why I think this is the case below, and I put forward a few ideas to improve things. In Midlothian we need to build our local organisation but we will always be at the mercy of the national swing. Therefore an improvement at national level is required to prevent our further electoral decline in the future. Some thoughts re the Campaign I think we need to re-evaluate our priorities and work out what we want our party to stand for. Paying lip service to the monarch has never struck me as a good idea, its against what we as a party stand for i.e. the end of Britain! British institutions should be rejected not encouraged. I think we should adopt a republican stance (no referendums) and say no to the Queen. We can then legitimately refuse to take up our seats in the parliament and should not do so until this ridiculous oath has been removed. If it can be done for Stormont it can be done for Holyrood. Symbols matter. Strategically, banging on about crime will not get us any votes. The more we identify ourselves with law and order, the more we sound like the Tories. More police officers would possible help but it certainly wont solve anti-social behaviour problems which have their roots in poverty and lack of opportunity. We must tackle the causes of crime and investigate how we can reduce our ridiculously high prison population. Our education policy was fine. Perhaps more strongly reject all fees. Free equally accessible education for all. Saying we will recruit more nurses, reduce waiting times etc is not enough. We have to say how we would achieve this. Also most funding & policy comes from London. We must gain control over our own finances first to improve health in Scotland. Finally as Graham said, our environmental policy used to be "greener than the greens" we must make sure all our policies fit a green agenda. This is very important. We reject nuclear weapons, nuclear power but we must make this clearer to voters and try and push green policies. Finally our leadership needs to be more inclusive with the best person for each portfolio given it no matter what their position in the party. Also we must make use of all our resources and avoid splitting along meaningless lines (i.e. fundamentalist /gradualists) both strategies must be pursued. We must remain fundamentally in favour of independence but at the same push for any and all gradual improvements in power for the Scottish parliament. More powers for our parliament must be our cry post devolution, we have to recognise different strategies are appropriate at different times but that doers not dilute our support for independence. Our support for business by reducing rates is right but we must not come across as being interested in business at the expense of workers. We must push our trade union links, try and gain union sponsorship and balance a pro-business with a pro employment rights approach. Otherwise we will sound again, too like Labour & the Tories. Finally, our leadership needs to be inspiring, not just to our members and supporters but also to the voters. A one man band is no longer needed nor desirable when we have over twenty MSP's. Adopting SSP MSP Salary Policy could Revolutionise SNP financial position! A further thought, the SSP's salary policy will put them in a progressively more powerful position because their MSP's are directly contributing half their salary to their party. This means with 6 MSP's the SSP will receive funding of £144,000 per year or £576,000 in total over the whole parliament. That's a vast sum for a small party. If the SNP had followed the same policy we would have had a total of additional funding £840,000 per year, or £3.36 Million injected into our party directly from the public purse! Even now we have a potential £2.7 million we could raise by this policy. No more begging letters, no more financial appeals, no more scraping around for finance, properly funded local campaigns and money to improve our structure, more offices et all. All by making a principled stance that £24,000 is more than enough for an MSP's salary. (Its also substantially more than the ordinary average wage.) If we continue with our current policy we will continue to have some very wealthy individuals in the Scottish parliament and an under funded organisation which in many areas cant afford to run a decent campaign to get them back in! The party has made enormous progress, our campaign this time was vastly more professional than in previous years and we have a bigger and better HQ staff however the fact is we are still skint and if we want to regain the trust of the people (and at the same time properly and easily fund our party) then we should adopt this politically astute policy as our own. I'm sure there will be many who will claim they are worth their £48,000 and resent giving up half their salary (who wouldn't?) but at the end of the day it is an enormous privilege to be an MSP and this measure would vastly improve relations between our ordinary MSP's and the local party, not to mention the voting public who see MSP's as being under worked and over paid. The SSP MSP's will rightly be seen as heroes by their members for funding their party, do we want our MSP's to be heroes as well or not? Lets think about it. Click on the picture below to see it full size. I like this! Deluded Reid Proves Labour don't listen to Scots by Joe Middleton
The Labour party's decision to shorten their conference,
supposedly due to the war, but in reality because they were desperate to stifle
democratic debate, was a cynical and anti-democratic act. All Labour wanted to give
their delegates was a question and answer session. That's what Tony has used
till now to avoid answering any difficult questions about the war. What they got
eventually was an "internal debate". That's a secret discussion where no one will hear any
anti-war opinions that might lose Labour votes. Time to Change US policy on the Middle East
It would be impossible not to have the greatest sympathy
with the ordinary people of America who were murdered in the 11th September attack.
The uncomfortable fact is however that this attack was directly linked to American
interference, whether overtly or covertly, in the Middle East.
Israel's treatment of the Palestinians is a disgrace
and yet it continues to be backed financially and unreservedly by the United States.
In these circumstances Tony Blair should be pushing America to remove its sticky
fingers from the Middle East. News of the World Yellow Ribbon Toilet Tissue Campaign Recently Tony Blair and Geoff Hoon have complained about the accuracy of the Media i.e. in Al-Jazeera's case - too accurate! Most media in this country are highly compliant with the Government during war time (and most other times as well, sadly) using misleading terms like "allies" to raise the memory of WWII when this war is both illegal under international law and immoral. The killing of Iraqi civilians is best described as murder yet the British media reserve that term for troops killed in action. Its hardly fair or non-biased coverage. They even play the Government trick of making their statements all about the bogey man Saddam rather than the people of Iraq. The International Community had recognised a possible threat posed by Saddam Hussein, they were in the process of dealing with that threat when Blair & Bush decided just to go ahead and bomb Iraq anyway. Perhaps war was inevitable but before putting Scottish troops in the path of chemical weapons* we should have exhausted all other options. The failure to follow international law undermines the UN and sets a very dangerous precedent for the whole world, particularly along with the US's scary pre-emptive action doctrine dreamed up by that congenital idiot and his cabinet of cretins in the White House. Donald Rumsfeld seriously misjudged the people of Iraq. He thought he could bomb them with impunity, install a puppet regime and guarantee Americas supply for it oil habit. In reality Iraqis prefer to die fighting rather than be invaded and conquered by the US. Who can blame them? How would we react if Bush bombed Edinburgh to save us from Tony Blair? There is not one democratic Government in the Middle East. Bush is not interested in humanitarian concerns, he just wants another thug who will follow his orders. So just what kind of news do Blair, Blunkett, Campbell and Hoon actually want? Well, given the fact that Tony Blair supports the News of the Worlds yellow ribbon campaign designed to show their readers pride about the Iraq war, obviously he prefers papers who drown their readers with a regular flush of jingoistic imperialist garbage. In my opinion the News of the Screws might as well hand out Stars and Stripes T-shirts and Union Jack bog roll, it has roughly the same intellectual honesty. As a follow up no doubt Tony could be prevailed upon to hand out foil medallions (filled with chocolate) which say "my love for Britain is only matched by my poor taste in newspapers".
Seriously though, the News of the World and the Sun are an insult to anyone with at least one brain cell and don't deserve the description of newspaper at all. Its sick, racist garbage that they perpetrate in the supposed name of "our boys" but in reality at the behest of their head honcho Rupert Murdoch who has made clear the reasons for his support for war - $20 a barrel for oil (see below). Scottish troops should not be in the Gulf at all. If Scotland was independent our troops would not be recklessly put at risk by Tony Blair for US interests (the UK doesn't have any genuine interest either). Our troops would only be in other countries as part of a peacekeeping role with the sanction of the UN. *That's if we are to believe Iraq has any left. Q "How do we know Iraq has weapons of mass destruction? A Rumsfeld's still got the receipts." Murdoch Reveals Real Reason for War - Cheap Oil Rupert Murdoch, the most powerful media owner
in the world with a total of 175 national newspapers and a readership of forty million
(not to mention his interests in TV) has let slip what the real reason is for the
proposed war on Iraq. "Once it [Iraq] is behind us, the whole world will benefit from cheaper oil which will be a bigger stimulus than anything else." (read the full story from the Guardian newspaper) London Must Let Go of The Remoteby Kevin Pringle
LONDON rules OK! That’s the blunt message from Westminster Culture Secretary Tessa Jowell to First Minister Jack McConnell, who has twice asked for Scottish representation on the new UK-wide media regulator, Ofcom. Jack’s effectively been told to push off when it comes to having a Scottish seat on Ofcom, since under devolution broadcasting is a responsibility reserved for Westminster rather than the Scottish Parliament. That is exactly why the SNP has always demanded that broadcasting should be devolved to Scotland. As a self-governing nation, Scotland has distinctive broadcasting needs which are utterly different from the media requirements of an English region. Yet decisions on protecting broadcasting quality in Scotland - including on sensitive matters such as mergers and takeovers of media stations like Scottish Television, Grampian and Border - will be taken in London, rather than Edinburgh. Scotland won’t have a seat at the table. The most that we can expect is an office north of the Border, which is a belated window dressing exercise. Such an office may be able to make suggestions about broadcasting policy to the powers that be in London. But that can never be a substitute for taking these decisions for ourselves. Ofcom is being set up under the Government’s Communications Bill, which is just beginning its passage through Westminster. Ofcom will replace the five existing regulatory bodies in the commercial media sector: the Broadcasting Standards Commission, the Independent Television Commission, the Office of Telecommunications, the Radio Authority and the Radio communications Agency. Without meaningful Scottish representation, Ofcom represents a centralisation of power in London. That can only mean a bad deal for viewers and listeners in Scotland. It is ridiculous that on such a crucial matter as Scottish broadcasting, the First Minister should be reduced to writing begging letters to London. Mr McConnell may be First Minister in name, but it is clear that he is last in the queue when it comes to winning a real say for Scotland. As the Communications Bill goes through Westminster, the SNP will propose amendments to seek what Mr McConnell has failed to deliver - a powerful Scottish voice inside Ofcom on the future of Scottish broadcasting. The Communications Bill is largely about watering down media regulation, and enabling Carlton and Granada to merge south of the Border. But it has major implications for Scotland, and the place of Scottish TV, Grampian and Border. The Bill effectively paves the way for a single ITV company throughout the UK, and the SNP has great concerns about the consequences of that for programming and production in Scotland. AS broadcasting powers become more centralised in London, and regulatory obligations to Scottish audiences are removed, the danger is that this Bill will lead to less local programming and high-quality production in Scotland. And specific Scottish requirements, such as Gaelic broadcasting, and the need to achieve a speedy switch-over from analogue to digital throughout our many remote communities, may well slip off the London agenda. That cannot be allowed to happen. All of Scotland - culturally and geographically - must be included in the new broadcasting era. Instead of London ministers bouncing changes on broadcasting in Scotland, the flawed Communications Bill is a strong example of why all powers over media regulation should be devolved from Westminster to the Scottish Parliament. Problems in Scottish broadcasting aren’t just confined to the commercial sector. On the BBC, it is absurd that in post-devolution Scotland, viewers north of the Border are still subject to London-based stories about English health and education - which are very often misleading and inaccurate for a Scots audience - while Scottish health and education issues are ignored. That is why the SNP has renewed the fight for a "Scottish Six" main evening news bulletin, produced in Scotland and mixing an appropriate blend of Scottish, UK, and international stories. When the Scottish Six became a big issue in the run-up to the last Scottish Parliament election, it was supported by the Broadcasting Council for Scotland, 51 BBC Scotland journalists, and 69 per cent of Scots in opinion polls. More recently, a Scottish Consumer Council report confirmed that the BBC is massively biased towards London-based broadcasting output, and they also called for a Scottish main evening news bulletin to be a statutory requirement of the BBC. New Labour say a Scottish Six would be "parochial", which is an outrageous slur on the professionalism, editorial judgment and abilities of BBC Scotland journalists. To believe that important things like news broadcasting should be left to the big boys and girls in London, and that only they can be trusted to get it right, is a classic case of the Scottish cringe. And just like the Scottish cringe, London-biased broadcasting should have been dumped in Scotland just as soon as we won a parliament. The fact of the matter is that TV news bosses in London frequently get it wrong. To take just one example, April’s massive Tartan Day parade in New York was a significant part of the developing relationship between the US and Scotland, and was deemed sufficiently important that both the First Minister and the SNP opposition leader John Swinney were present. IT was a premier political event for Scotland, as well as an opportunity to promote Scotland and Scottish produce in the States. Yet the London-based TV news ignored it entirely, and BBC Scotland didn’t have an opportunity to broadcast it until 48 hours after the event. Winning responsibility for broadcasting is a basic requirement of a self-governing nation, and would come automatically with the full powers of independence. It would also create hundreds of highly skilled jobs and training opportunities in Scotland. In the 1990s, a report by Mackay Consultants forecast that independence would generate an additional 400 to 500 posts in the media industry, many of them in Edinburgh. Only with a vibrant Scottish broadcasting sector can we interpret Scotland to the world, and the world to Scotland. Kevin Pringle is head of media for the SNP Westminster Group. Scottish Parliament LinksIt is now possible to see footage live from the Scottish Parliament at Or you can keep up with Jack McConnell's conflicting statements with an archive of First Ministers Question Time answers here Executive Site Question Time Archive Regular press releases, audio statements by John Swinney and more are at the SNPs official web site Complete copies of the Scottish Parliaments legislation, complete minutes, in depth research papers, full details of agendas and minutes of meetings are all available from the official site (See also Scottish News Headlines Page for up to date headlines from the Scotsman and Evening News, a complete listing of online newspapers plus details of online BBC Scotland Programmes.) You can watch the BBC's Holyrood Live programme on the Web by using the following Links: (they require the Real Player) Wednesdays programme is here Thursdays is here Click on the thumbnails (above) to see the larger pictures and click back on your browser to come back to this page. There are more letters in the letters archive. Want to email a letter to a newspaper? Click on the links below : The Evening News, The Scotsman, The Herald, Scotland on Sunday, The Sun, The Daily Record, The Star The Scots Independent, The Sunday Mail, Press & Journal, The Dundee Courier, Evening Times, Evening Telegraph, The Times, The Daily Telegraph, The Financial Times, The Independent, The Guardian, The Daily Mail, The Metro, The Mirror The Sunday Post, The Sunday Herald, The Sunday Times, Sunday Business, Sunday Telegraph, The Observer Scottish Sunday Express, The Mail on Sunday, The Sunday Mirror, News of the World, Sunday People, Morning Star, Alternatively email them all at once by clicking here. Please remember to add your full name and address and a day time phone number. Also put all addresses (if emailing more than one paper) into the Blind Copy (BCC) box (not the default) as papers like to feel they have been written to individually, email me if you have any problems. Cheers! JOE I was until recently press officer for Midlothian SNP, the following are some of the press releases we have managed to get printed recently in the Advertiser (click on the thumbnails to see the full releases). Click on the thumbnails (above) to see the larger pictures and click back on your browser to come back to this page. See all the recent Midlothian Press Releases There are more press releases in the Press Release Archive by Joe Middleton It seems that home rule is just around the corner. Ill be voting for it but excuse me if I don't start dancing in the streets if we get it. The respective campaigns are bursting forth with all the enthusiasm of a damp squib. Why? Because we've been here before, if not in person, certainly watching archive footage. I was nine when it was going on the last time but the latest devolution referendum still has a depressingly familiar ring of deja vu to it. Devolution has stunk of hypocrisy throughout its history. Both Tories and Labour have supported it at different times. In opposition they support it, in Government they fail to deliver it. If the turn out next month is low then it can only reflect the pointless nature of having another referendum at all. Ignoring the 40% wrecking rule, the last result was a victory, albeit a narrow one in 1979. Since then opinion polls have shown strong support in favour. The only party to oppose any form of self-government is the Conservatives and they've been routed. They have no MPs and control no councils. Basically they're not popular, except amongst employers still enjoying paying low wages of course. The disingenuous rumblings from isolated businessmen and the laughable Think Twice campaign, none of whom can fail to hide their Conservative inclinations, are unlikely to convince anyone, any more than the original Tories managed at the General election. Scotland rumbled the Tories around the time of the Poll Tax fiasco, wed merely suspected they didn't care about us before that time. After that we knew. Post devolution they will get a few MSP's, they can hardly fail to under PR, but they will remain an irrelevant rump politically. Not to say they wont still have power and privilege, they do represent the establishment after all, but their political influence will be limited to easily impressionable types like Tony Blair. The Conservatives aren't above supporting tax-varying powers when it suits them. They slagged the last parliament for failing to have them. Their concentration on the negative nature of this power, and a very limited power it is, show they have learned nothing at all from their electoral defeats. In comparison to 14.5 billion, power over 450M is very small potatoes. The tax varying power is only there to give the illusion of power by Labour. Labour has a mandate from the voters, a pledge of unfinished business to the Scottish voters and no real opposition. Hardly the controversy usually associated with referendums. The only legitimate referendum would be multi-choice. Labour promised this in opposition, but since it was only to the common oiks that formed Scotland United they didn't feel honour bound to carry it out. Why bother? They're in power additionally independence has the virtue of being workable, logical and easy to understand. Against any talking shop with limited powers or the discredited status quo it would probably win. In all probability the referendum is a last ditch attempt by the unionists to throw a spanner in the works. Tony Blair's comments on its powers being subservient to him as an English MP seemed deliberately offensive while the question on tax seems almost designed to fail. Labour often asked during the election what position the SNP would take on their plans. Obviously they hoped to split the party on the issue. However, it was inevitable the SNP would support any devolution bill for three very good reasons. Firstly, under the second clause of their constitution the party is pledged to the furtherance of all Scottish interests. Devolution is a measure of power and better half a loaf than none at all. Secondly, to fail to support the creation of the parliament and then expect to get elected to it is such a politically suicidal course of action that only the long dead Scottish Tories could hope to get away with it. Thirdly, PR will land the SNP with a large amount of MSP's thereby bridging the party's credibility gap. For the uninitiated this is the age-old problem of independence supporters who fail to support the SNP. Despite the party's rise to fairly high levels of the popular vote it is haunted by a minuscule number of MPs under first past the post. Those Tories who say devolution will lead to independence will deliver this vote initially to devolution and once set up, will further deliver it to the SNP. Tam Dalyell might be worrying Labour with his claims that devolution is constitutionally unstable but he has the virtue of being absolutely correct. Inevitably frustration will arise when the voters realise that devolution doesn't have the power to affect real change. While it may seem to encompass a wide range of subjects, really it is only more democratic control of existing Scottish Office responsibilities. With fiscal power remaining in Westminster, so also will ultimate power. One only needs to look at existing local authority difficulties to see where real power lies. Once bitten twice shy, the bitter 79 experience will encourage the electorate to grab any power they can get and vote Yes, Yes, even if its without undue enthusiasm. The Tories are such pariahs that the very fact they oppose it will guarantee success and at that point Labours deeper troubles will only have just begun. Hmmm... I guess I might start dancing after all! The Truth about Public Spending The current debate or more accurately, phoney war about public spending between Labour and the Conservatives is absolutely pathetic and adequately demonstrates what a bad joke British politics is. Both of the major British unionist parties are guilty of enormous public deception, as neither is what it claims to be. Labour have pretended for years to believe in public investment, just as they pretended to believe in social justice and representing workers. The Conservatives claim to be the party of low taxation and good economic management. This is why they are a bit reluctant to admit there is still a recession and lets face it, its not the first one is it. The truth is in the pudding or more precisely in the policies which tell rather a different tale, please allow me to explain. Labour will give a generous fiver to the pensioners and a minimal increase in child benefit and will fund this by a very modest increase in tax for the reasonably rich (earning somewhere over £30,000 per year). Labour investment in the NHS, Education and job training (or what will loosely fit that description) will await improvements in the economy. This therefore renders redundant every Labour attack on the Tories by the venerable Mr Robin Cook MP over under funding of the NHS as Labour clearly don't intend to improve the situation at all. The Sick Kids will still be run on a charitable basis. The Conservatives masquerade as a tax-cutting party despite increasing overall taxation, including VAT. Most people pay more tax under the Tories, except for the rich of course. Their claim that Labour have higher spending plans than that party admits to gives Labour more credit and credibility than they now deserve. The figures the Conservatives use are not even remotely accurate but then this hardly comes as any great surprise given their record in this respect. Labour likes to imply it will spend more money but the truth is they are scared stiff of losing votes by raising taxes, sadly principles and promises are less of a priority than they used to be with Mr Kinnock. As Harry Ewing correctly pointed out recently, Tory forecasts of Labour public spending and tax-raising plans are "fantasy", sadly the public perception that Labour will spend more on the NHS or tackle unemployment is a "fantasy" also. The SNP in sharp contrast are committed to a 15% increase in spending on the NHS over three years. Full Employment would be achieved and low wages eliminated with our Action for Jobs plan in a similar timescale. Both these proposals, amongst many others, are fully costed in our budget for an independent Scotland and achievable without any increase in taxation with additional revenue available with independence. The Scottish people need not vote for Labour or Tory liars. We can choose a much more exciting future by voting for independence not subservience! The above article was written in 1991 - for further (up to date) information on this issue see the press release below.
The SNP have rejected the Scottish Executives
Report on Government Expenditure and Revenue in Scotland, GERS, as a "bogus attempt to
undermine the case for Scottish Independence".
The Scottish Executive publish the report on an
Annual basis and on Monday the 20th January they published their latest
figures. in response the SNP published a new economic document - "Moving
Scotland Beyond the Subsidy Myth: Why economic growth is what matters"
The SNP document demolishes the myth that Scotland
is subsidised by the London Treasury - by showing that Scotland had a 1.2 billion
pounds budget surplus in 2000/2001.
Joe Middleton Press Officer for Midlothian SNP told the Advertiser "GERS is a bogus attempt to deliberately undermine the case for Scottish Independence. This politically motivated document was cynically introduced by the Tories and has been continued by Labour purely to try and attack the SNP and peddle the myth that Scotland is subsidised."
"When in opposition Labour rejected outright the
Tory claims, but in Government they are happy to perpetrate the same garbage.
Rather than regurgitate the old Tory lies, the real debate we need to have is
about how to boost Scotland's current growth levels."
"During these coming elections the SNP will focus
on our positive ideas to bridge the gap between Scotland's unfortunately
mediocre economic performance inside the union and our remarkable economic
potential outwith it with independence."
"Anybody who is interested can find a copy of the SNPs paper Moving Scotland Beyond the Subsidy Myth in the multimedia section of the SNP website www.snp.org I urge people to read our paper and to not be fooled by the dubious machinations of the Scottish Labour party." The disturbing case of Liz Davies of Leeds North East is only the latest example of a long running witch hunting campaign by Labour against its own left wing. Their right wing shift has not only been categorised by a ditching of principles and socialist policies but a purge of principled activists who represent a threat to Blair's New Toryism. Writing an article for any magazine, whether that be Labour Briefing, Marxism Today, Militant, Liberation or whatever should not be a bar from standing for political office. Furthermore being a socialist should not stop candidates from standing for a party that by its name purports to represent the working class. Having a different opinion to Labours NEC, i.e. believing that copying the Conservatives is a less than effective way of opposing their ruthless attacks on the poor, seems to be a sure way to receive the order of the boot however. If a constituency picks a candidate after hearing all those on other then it is morally wrong for Labours NEC to overturn that decision just because they don't like that persons political views. It is indicative of Labours jump rightwards that they can joyfully accept Alan Howarth, a former Government minister, a supporter of the Poll Tax and a member of the extreme right wing No Turning Back group but they refuse to support a socialist who had the guts to fight the Poll Tax by refusing to pay it. It would appear that free speech is a limited commodity in New Labour and it brings to mind questions about whether they can be trusted in Government if they don't extend the most basic rights in this area to their own activists. During the 1950s Joe McCarthy's anti-communist discrimination and witch hunting left a horrible stain on American history. Subsequently that nation has become effectively almost a one party state. There is practically no difference between the Democratic & Republican parties and anyone who is remotely left is branded a Liberal and isolated from public office. Most people, around 60% don't bother to vote in their elections because they are such a media manipulated joke. The same process is transforming Britain in the same way. Already there is little to choose between the policies of all three of the unionist parties while Labours born again McCarthyism means there is very little hope of real change in Britain in the near future. New Labour is already a party Thatcherites feel comfortable in, how much more right wing can they get? In Scotland we have one hope of removing ourselves from the right of centre British unionist alliance and guaranteeing full freedom of speech for all political views. That hope is independence. Independence – It’s a Capital Idea
by Kevin PringleAs Scotland looks forward to the second Scottish Parliament election next May, we need a debate in Edinburgh and throughout Lothian on how our Capital City stands to benefit from the ongoing process of constitutional change. After nearly 300 years of the Union, Edinburgh has become a centre of political decision making once again. But most folk in the City feel that the benefits of having the Parliament on their doorstep have passed them by. New Labour’s foolish decision to ignore the popular consensus in favour of building the parliament at Calton Hill – taken before MSP's were even elected – has certainly added to the sense of disappointment. But the fundamental reason for the Parliament’s limited impact on people’s lives in Edinburgh is its extremely limited powers. Holyrood sucks resources in – as we all know from its soaring construction costs alone. But because virtually all of the key financial powers remain at Westminster, the Parliament doesn’t have the ability to invest in improving the quality of life for people in Lothian and throughout Scotland. Devolution has given Edinburgh many of the costs associated with having our own parliament, but few of the tangible benefits. The Scottish Parliament is only able to control a maximum of 6 per cent of its revenue, by deciding the level of business rates and the ‘tartan tax’. Westminster retains its grip on 94 per cent of Holyrood’s income. Yet Edinburgh City Council controls 27 per cent of its revenue through the Council Tax – which it rightly regards as an inadequate level of fiscal independence. In other words, our national parliament has less than a QUARTER of the financial clout than the city in which it is based. That’s why the story so far has been less what the Parliament has done for Edinburgh, and much more what the people of Edinburgh have given to the Parliament. Take policing, for example. Since the establishment of the Scottish Parliament, the number of VIPs and foreign dignitaries visiting Edinburgh has soared, and is now averaging two or three a week – including royal trips and tours by foreign heads of state. There are also more demonstrations and the number of consulates in Edinburgh – all requiring police protection – is now over thirty. The extra policing costs amount to some £700,000 a year – enough to pay for 25 extra officers. But even though this increased price tag is a direct result of the national parliament being in Edinburgh – and should therefore by rights be funded centrally – most of the bill is still picked up locally, by Lothian & Borders Police. No wonder Edinburgh has one of the highest council taxes in Scotland. The costs of the Scottish Parliament Police Unit itself may now be met from central funds, but the issue and the expense of extra policing needs in the Capital go far wider than that. The Met gets more resources specifically to police London as a capital city, and the same principle should apply to Edinburgh. But Edinburgh will only start to be treated like a Capital City, and make the big gains associated with that status, when it becomes a REAL capital – housing a REAL parliament. That’s why Edinburgh needs Independence for Scotland. And that’s why I want the SNP to mount a major campaign in the run-up to the Scots Parliament election, detailing the benefits of Independence to Scotland’s Capital. “Independence – it’s a Capital idea”. That sums up the huge boost awaiting Edinburgh by transforming itself into the Capital City of an independent country. Independence will be good for the whole of Scotland. But it will be best of all for Edinburgh. At a stroke, Independence will promote Edinburgh to the premier league of European capital cities. And unlike devolution, that WILL deliver real social and economic benefits to the people of Edinburgh, and throughout Lothian. The process of Independence will create thousands of jobs and opportunities in the City and surrounding area. A look at other European capitals shows the investment that flows in to real decision-making centres. For example, where Edinburgh has 32 foreign consuls with limited staff and functions, there are 68 fully-fledged embassies and consuls in Dublin, 62 in Copenhagen, and 45 in Oslo – all capitals of nations that are the same size or smaller than Scotland. With Independence, the economy of Edinburgh and Lothian will gain from a real international diplomatic presence in the City. And many ‘small nation’ European capitals host the headquarters of EU and other international agencies – such as the European Environment Agency and World Health Organisation in Copenhagen Europol and the Europol Drugs Unit in the Hague and the European Centre for Vocational Training in Thessalonica in Greece, which was moved there from Berlin. All of these institutions generate thousands of highly skilled jobs and training opportunities, and countless spin-offs in private sector employment. With independent representation in Europe and the wider world, a Scottish Government will have the bargaining power to land a fair share of these top jobs for Edinburgh. In the 1990s, a report by Mackay Consultants – a leading firm of economic and management experts – estimated that the process of Independence would create up to 11,500 jobs in Scotland. These would come from powerful government departments, embassies, EU and international agencies, broadcasting, oil industry posts, and the boost that this would all provide to the private sector. As Scotland’s Capital, Edinburgh stands first in line to secure the benefits of Independence. Real European capitals also have far better transport links than Edinburgh does, both in terms of internal connections and direct air routes. Yet as part of the UK, Edinburgh may not even achieve a rail link to the city’s airport until after 2010, under the London-based Strategic Rail Authority’s 10-year plan. In fact, of the 17 major projects in the SRA plan that are geographically-specific, 15 are located south of the Border, and 11 of these are in London and the south of England. Edinburgh and Scotland have been left behind yet again. Edinburgh is a great and beautiful place – but it can only flower and achieve its full potential as the first city of an independent nation. That’s why the SNP say that Independence is a Capital idea. Kevin Pringle is head of media for the SNP Westminster Group and was the SNPs candidate for Edinburgh Central in the Scottish Parliament elections.
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